BOOKS: BIBLICAL STUDIES (1500BC-AD70) / EARLY CHRISTIAN PRETERISM (AD50-1000) / FREE ONLINE BOOKS (AD1000-2008)
The Fulfilling of the Scripture (1669)
"It was the immediate appearance of God's judgment, which no distance of time can darken ; in that desolating stroke on the jewish nation and Jerusalem, within a few years after the suffering of Christ by the Romans under Titus Vespasian ; a stroke both in the manner and continuance, such as no instance present or past could ever be found the resemble, and when seriously considered, one of the greatest appearances of God against a people hath been, since man was formed in the earth ; where these concurring circumstances, for giving light thereto, call for our serious observing."
The Significance of AD70)
1. That this is a truth which doth need no other witness, than the scattered remnant, and desolate ruins of that once flourishing church and nation of the Jews, which we see with our eyes at this day, whose present state is so great a monument of divine judgment, so clear a witness to the scripture, that I think men cannot look thereon, if they be in any measure serious, but must have such a conviction.
2. What hath befallen this people may it not be an astonishment to the world in all succeeding ages? a stroke that hath put them in a more sad condition than any nation, or people we ever yet heard of, that cast them out of their own land, scattered them as vagabonds through the earth, so that these many ages they have had no scepter nor lawgiver, no piece of the earth they can call their own, but at the mercy, and arbitrary disposal of every place they reside in, no priviledge or liberties but a naked permission to brook their lives and estates during the pleasure of these under whom they get shelter, a people put by themselves with a visible mark of divine wrath upon them, like a beacon set up for all nations to look on, even these who were once eminently owned of the Lord, who was known in their palaces for a refuge, yea, it is very manifest that no stir or essay that ever they made for their relief, but was still to their further ruin, and found God's hand visibly cross to them therein; sure Ammianus Marcellinus, a heathen writer did intend no testimony to the christian cause in relating that strange passage which near his time fell out ; how the Jews by Julian's warrant and permission, did attempt to build the Temple again, but a fire breaking up from the foundation thereof, which destroyed many of the workmen, forced them with terror to desist.
3. Must it not be some strange and dreadful provocation, beyond the sin of their forefathers, whereat so strange and unusual a stroke doth point? Whilst it is clear that notwithstanding frequent Idolatry, and departing from God when they were at that height in wickedness to offer up their children to Molech, and set up altars in the groves, to reject the message of the prophets, and thrust some of them in a dungeon, yet were only punished with lxx years captivity, and after by God's very immediate hand brought again, these who had taken them captive concurring with them to rebuild the temple : But now how long and dark hath their night been since this judgment came on them, and thought they could not these many ages charge themselves with Idolatry, yet no saviour or deliverer hath been raised up, no prophet send forth, no sign or appearance at this day of relief, now for these 1,600 years, yea amidst these frequent changes and resolutions that have been in the world no change in their condition, sure if that people were in speaking terms with their consciences, this might put them to a strange demur, what should be the cause if they be not guilty of killing the Messias, and that blood pursuing them ; what atrocious provocation beyond others they can condescend on, for which the Lord doth so long and so sore by such an unusual, and unheard of stroke thus contend.
4. What a marvelous concurrence of providence, and convincing appearance of a divine hand was in this judgment, the besieging of Jerusalem by the Romans, trysted with the very time of the passover, whilst so great a confluence of the people from all parts of the land were there on that account, that both sword, and famine might contribute their help to destroy ; what unreasonable and astonishing obstinancy against all offers of peace, and the most pressing insinuations thereof which Titus Vespasian made, even whilst their ruin was otherwise unevitable, an unheard of strife where the enemy did content to save, but they to undoe themselves, now judicially hardened, under most remarkable prodigies, and warnings which they had of that approaching desolation, divided wholly amongst themselves, yea, so cruel one upon another within, that their adversary without could not but look thereon with compassion. O what a strike was this where in greatest atheists would grant a fatality, for indeed men cannot consider the same without acknowledging a divine hand and something above ordinary means and causes, where all did thus meet together in a solemn try'st to accomplish that peoples ruin." (pp. 147-149)
(On Shadow/Substance Hermeneutic)
What possibly can be more clear than this? That in the gospel as the center all these shadows did meet, which do now cease, their full end and accomplishment being come ; and if men look on that pattern, and frame of the jewish service, can they see it, and not know the building it self by it? And how exact correspondence is thus betwixt them, that in so strange a multiplication of these figures and types, which were then of divine appointment ; nothing is there inept, or useless, but had a peculiar use, and relation to something in the gospel ; that as face answereth to face in the glass, one may see there is the shadow, and lo here the substance, where all is found, and that their light is now gone and extinguished, because the sun it self is risen." (p. 278)
(On Daniel's Seventy Weeks)
"It was the immediate appearance of God's judgment, which no distance of time can darken ; in that desolating stroke on the jewish nation and Jerusalem, within a few years after the suffering of Christ by the Romans under Titus Vespasian ; a stroke both in the manner and continuance, such as no instance present or past could ever be found the resemble, and when seriously considered, one of the greatest appearances of God against a people hath been, since man was formed in the earth ; where these concurring circumstances, for giving light thereto, call for our serious observing.
1. That in so short a time after the death of our blessed Lord, not above forty years, this should take place, and that blood fall on them in that very generation, with their hands as it were hot and reeking in the same, which they had wished on them and their children.
2. By the Romans, whose interest in their opposition to Christ, they pretended most to own.
3. By such an instrument also, as Titus Vespasian, of so singularly sweet a natural disposition, so mild, and compassionate, as he was called deliciae humani genetis ; yea one, who to the furthest sought a preventing of their ruin, that all might see it was the finger of God.
4. Their being visibly enforced to be executioners of their own judgment, so as the adversaries without did not so effectually concur to accomplish this, as they did amongst themselves, to shew its being something fatal beyond all possibility to save.
5. That the time thereof should be at the passover, not only thus for a greater ruin, by the ingathering of such multitudes from the whole land into the city, but also by this remarkable circumstance, to point as with the finger at the cause of so stupendous a judgment, and thus tryst at that very time of the sufferings of the Lord there." (p. 344)
"It is observable that after the coming of Christ, and that one blessed sacrifice in his death was offered up, that the custom of sacrificing, not only amongst the Jews, but what had been this way amongst the heathen also, did then cease every where throughout the world.
So convincing was a divine hand in this stroke, as Titus, though a heathen, could answer his friends in their desire to have him crowned, that he was not the author of that work, but had only given his hands to serve the judgment of God herein, as even by heathen writers is witnessed ; and those known medals, which have to following ages been still reserve, have that impress thereon, of Vespasian, and a woman sitting sorrowful, under a Palm-tree with these words JUDEA CAPTA, S.C.
We may see also their scattering, so far extended through the world, that there might be as conspicuous a monument of judgment set up, and made discernible to all, as the furthest extent of christianity. It is indeed strange men do not more seriously turn aside to consider those two great sights, now under the gospel, the one of the scattered Jews, so amazing a beacon set up for all ages to look on.. such clear light to the truth and accomplishment of the word, as may silence the greatest Atheist." (p. 344-5)
Proposition II.óThe book of the Revelation of John was written after the destruction of Jerusalem.
The notion of Grotius, upon which his interpretation of the Apocalypse is founded, is this: That the seven kings or heads of the beast mentioned, Rev. 17:10, are not to be understood of seven several forms of government, but of seven particular emperors, viz., Claudius, Nero, Galba, Otho, Vitellius, Vespasian and Titus, and that Domitian is the eighth, who was of the seventh; because, as he pretends, he governed during his fatherís absence.
The foundation which he lays for the probation of this is, that John was banished into Patmos, in the reign of Claudius: but that though he saw his visions then, he did not write them till Vespasianís time. For he must make this last supposition, as well as the first, else his notion would be condemned immediately, seeing, it is said, that five of these kings were fallen, Rev. 17:19; that is, says he and Hammond, when he wrote, not when he saw these visions. But how false this is, any body may see with half an eye; seeing these words are not Johnís, but the angelís to him. And therefore, the defenders of this opinion must find out five emperors that were fallen
Before Claudius, if they will restrict these heads of the beast to particular men; for if the angel spake these words to John in the days of Claudius, they must relate to them that went before, or to none.
This is enough to destroy this notion of theirs, and I know not how it is possible for any of their admirers to save their credit this way. But seeing the principal thing they found upon is this, that John saw the apocalyptical visions in the days of Claudius, and that so all, or at least most of th Revelation, relates to things that fell out before the destruction of Jerusalem; I shall say something farther to disprove this assertion, and to confirm the verity of our proposition.
Now there are only two things adduced by Grotius and Hammond to prove that John was in Patmos in Claudiusís reign: the first is, that Claudius raised a persecution against both Jews and Christians; and, that being the first persecutor, it is probable that John was banished at that time. The second is, that Epiphanius does expressly assert that it was by Claudius that John was banished to Patmos.
As to the first of these, it is nothing but a supposition without any proof; for we have no account, either in the Acts of the Apostles, or in any other writer, that Claudius did ever persecute either Jews or Christians. And Lactantius de Mort. Pers. Does expressly assert that no emperor did persecute the Claudius Judaeos impulsore Chrest tumultuantes Roma expulit. And Luke tells us, that Claudius banished the Jews from Rome, which occasioned Aquila and Priscilla, and other Christian Jews, to retire from Rome: but neither of them say that he persecuted the Christians, or even the Jews. Now, as from the expression of Suetonius, impulsore Chresto or Christo, the meaning must be this, that the Jews that did not believe, going about to stir up the government at Rome, as they did every where else, (as is plain from the book of the Acts,) against the Christians, and appearing against them in a tumultuous manner, upon the occasion of Christ; complaints might, probably, be brought to the emperor, who, no doubt upon this account, banished all of that nation from Rome: so that Suetonius, having a confused notion of Christ, might easily be induced to express himself this way. And now that this was al that Claudius did against the Christians, is plain to me from one argument that has escaped Dr. More, but is to me unanswerable, taken from the eighteenth chapter of the Acts; where, after the sacred historian had taken notice of Claudiusís banishing the Jews out of Rome, and that of Aquila and Priscillaís being lately come upon that account from Italy to Corinth, he tells us of Paulís lodging with them, because he was of the same occupation. But being pressed inspirit to preach Christ, upon the coming of Silas and Timothy from Macedonia, he goes into their synagogue, and reasons with the Jews and proselytes there upon this head; and having converted some, particularly Crispus, the chief ruler of the synagogue, and Justus, in whose house he afterwards disputed; Crispus, no doubt, being thrown out of his office, and Sosthenes put in his stead, and Paul continuing to preach in Justusís house, which joined to the synagogue, the Jews are incensed to such a degree as to rise tumultuously against Paul. Sosthenes, therefore, the new chief ruler of the synagogue, and the rest of the unbelieving Jews, make an insurrection, and seize upon Paul, and carry him to the judgment-seat before the proconsul Gallio, that excellent Roman, the elder brother of Seneca. He tells the Jews that if Paul or any other man were guilty of what was lewd, wicked, or unjust, that in that ease he was obliged to punish such persons according as the Roman law and justice did require. But seeing they accused Paul of nothing of that kind, but only of doctrinal matters, relating to their own law and religion, he had nothing to do with them; and therefore he drove them all away, and set Paul at liberty, which made the Gentiles fall upon Sosthenes, the chief author of this tumult, and beat him before the judgment-seat; which Gallio permitted to be done and connived at, either as judging that he did deserve to be so treated, or as supposing it might prevent the Jews from acting so factiously and tumultuously again.
Now, after this short, but exact account of this history, it will be easy to see how precarious and groundless, nay false, Grotiusís opinion is, of a persecution being raised against Jews and Christians in the days of Claudius; for, if there had been any such thing, or any edict for it, how came Gallio to tolerate a public synagogue of the Jews, and suffer Paul to preach openly? Or, if the Christians were only ordered to be persecuted, why did not the Jews use this as the reason of their accusing Paul, who to be sure wanted not a god will to have done so, and were not ignorant that this would have been the main argument to prevail with the proconsul? And had there been any such edict, can we imagine that Gallio was ignorant of it? For so he must have been, seeing he tells the Jews that he had no orders to punish any man for his religion or sentiments that way, but only those that were guilty of wickedness or lewdness in life. If any say that his temper was to care for none of these things; I answer, this expression may, indeed, denote his temper, but I suppose it speaks forth not only that, but his principle and sentiment, as judging it unrighteous to persecute or punish any man for mere opinion. But, whatever this had been, had there been any edict for persecuting the Christians or Jews, he durst not have neglected his orders, especially when the edict must have been so recent, and when he had what might have passed for a just reason of his punishing both the party accusing, and the party accused, viz., their disturbing (as he might have represented it) of the public peace. But, indeed, it is too plain to need any farther proof, that Claudiusís banishing of the Jews out of Rome was accompanied with no persecution, either against them or against the Christians. And this Dr. Hammond confirms, by what he says in his annotations on the thirty-first verse of the twenty-sixth chapter of the Acts, forgetting that this way he destroys his own foundation of interpreting the Revelation: where, upon these words of Luke, that Agrippa, Festus, and Bernice, and the rest of the company, after they had heard Paulís defence, did conclude that he had done nothing that deserved either death or imprisonment; the Doctor observes, that the reason why they did conclude so, was, because there had been as yet no edict emitted against the Christians by any of the emperors: and this was the reason also, says he, why Gallio, the proconsul of Achaia, said publicly that it was not for him to judge of things that the Roman laws had determined nothing about: for, continues the Doctor, though Claudius had commanded the Jews to leave Italy, by which the Christian Jews were forced to go away also, not as they were Christians, but because they were Jews; yet there was no law made against Christians, as such, at this time. It is true, he says, that John was not only banished, as Aquila and Priscilla were, but confined in the isle of Patmos. But he should have given the reason why John was the only person persecuted: however, I shall examine this assertion, and the reason that the Doctor gives for it in other places of his annotations.
We come, therefore, now, in the second place, to consider the testimony of Epiphanius, upon whose credit alone Grotius and Hammond believe that John was in Patmos in Claudiusís time. And here, by the way. I cannot forbear to observe the strange mistake of Dr. Lightfoot, who agrees in the main with these learned men, in interpreting the Revelation, in relation to the Jews, before, the destruction of Jerusalem; and therefore, makes John to see these visions long before that; but has this peculiar to himself, that he imagines John was not banished there, but went thither voluntarily to preach the gospel to the inhabitants: whereas, John himself doth expressly tell us that he was there as a sufferer and witness for Christ, chap. 1, verse 9, "I John, who also am your brother and companion in tribulation, and in the kingdom and patience for the word of God, and for the testimony of Jesus Christ." So that as this refutes Dr. Lightfoot, and confirms what Grotius and Hammond agree in, that John was not in Patmos as a traveler, but as a prisoner and sufferer; so it is enough to refute even them also: for the words do plainly insinuate that John was not the only persecuted man at this time, but that there was then a persecution raised against all Christians in general; and therefore, we may be assured that he was not in that island in the days of Claudius, in whose time we have proved there was no persecution.
But to return: Epiphanius says, indeed, that John saw his visions in Patmos in the reign of Claudius. Heres. 51, sect. 12 and 33. But can this single authority weigh down all antiquity, that says the contrary? Shall we believe him, rather than Irenaeus, who lived two hundred years before him, an was the scholar of Polycarp, the scholar of John himself? Now, what can be plainer than the words of Irenaeus, lib. 5, cap. 30, as they are preserved in the original by Eusebius, Lib. 5, cap. 8, Hist. Eccl. Ei gar edei anafandon tw nun kairw khruttesqai to onoma autw, di ekeinw an errhqh tw kai thn Apokaluyin ewrakotoj wde, gar wropoglw xronw ewrwqh, alla sxedon epi thj hmeteraj geneaj, proj tw telei thj Domitanw arxhj. That is, if his name (viz., that of Antichrist, or the beast,) had been openly to be divulged at his time, it would, no doubt, have been told by him that saw the apocalyptical visions: for it is not a long time since he saw these, but even in some sense, in our own time, viz., towards the end of the reign of Domitian. And that Irenaeus had just reason to say that Johnís seeing the Revelation was almost in his own time, or within the memory of the men of that generation, if not his own also, is plain from chronology: for, he being the scholar of Polycarp, who was martyred in the year of Christ 167, and being himself put to death in the year 202, if we suppose that he wrote this but ten or twelve years before his death, yet he might justly say that there was but about an ageís difference from his time and that wherein John saw the Revelation: for if John was in Patmos towards the end of Domitianís reign, it could not be sooner, in any propriety of speech, than the year 90, seeing he began his government A.D. 81, and died 96. And who can doubt but Irenaeus does deliver here what his master Polycarp had told him; for, as none knew the history of John better than that worthy person, so none had better opportunity to know what related to this matter than Irenaeus, by reason of his long and intimate acquaintance with him. This seemed a foundation sure enough of old to Eusebius; and if some men had not some private ends to promote, by opposing it, might be a sufficient foundation to all men still. Let us, therefore, hear what this learned historian says: "In those days," says Eusebius, (viz., in the days of Cerdo, Ignatius, and Simeon, of whom he had been speaking,) "the Apostle John, the beloved disciple, was yet alive, inspecting the Churches of Asia, having returned, after Domitianís death, from the island, whither he had been banished. Now, that John was then alive, it enough to adduce the testimony of two persons of great authority, who are worthy of all belief, and were ever eminent for defending the truth; I mean, Iraeneus and Clemens Alexandrinus; the first of whom, in his second book against heresies, speaks thus: ĎAll the presbyters, says Irenaeus, who lived familiarly with the Apostle John, in Asia, do assure us that they had this related to them from John himself; for he lived with them even unto the times of Trajan.í In his third book, also, Irenaeus gives us the same account, in these words; ĎThe Church of Ephesus also, which was founded by the Apostle Paul, and was afterwards under the care of the Apostle John, until Trajanís time, is an eminent witness of what was delivered to us by the Apostle.í And besides him, Clemens likewise, says Eusebius, does not only take notice at the same time, but gives a particular story relating to him in that book of his, which bears this title, ĎWhat rich man can be saved?í" And then Eusebius recites the story at length, which were too long to insert here.
Now, if John lived to the days of Trajan, he must have been a prodigiously old man, according to Epiphanius, who says he was ninety years of age in Claudiusís time. For, giving him all the allowance that can be desired, viz., that John was so old in the last year of Claudius, and that he died in the first year of Trajan, he must have been one hundred and thirty-four years old at least when he died: seeing Claudius died A.D. 54, and Trajan did not begin to reign until the year 98, though others say, with more probability, not until A.D. 100. Now, besides that it is not easy to believe that so thoughtful and laborious a man should live so long, the improbability of what Epiphanius says, appears farther from this; that, if in the year 54 from Christís birth John was ninety years of age, he must have been thirty-six years elder than Christ. And if so, it seems very odd that Christ should say to him from the cross, "Man, behold thy mother," and to Mary, "Woman, behold thy son." For, as this seems to say, that he was at least as young as Christ, this account makes him an old man of near seventy years of age at that time. Which, as it must suppose Mary to be a very aged person of between eighty and ninety at least, so it contradicts the constant and unanimous tradition of the Church, which supposes him to be very young at that time. Whence Baronius says, that he was but twenty-five years old. And Nicephorus relates out of an epistle of Evodius, bishop Antioch, that the Virgin herself was not then fifty; seeing Christ, as he asserts, was born when she was but fifteen years old.
Whence it appears, how little we ought to trust Epiphanius, in opposition to all antiquity besides. Which made Drusus say, scimmus omnes Epiphanium in multis graviter hallucinatum. And upon the same account Petavius scriples not to correct him, for where he has it imperante Claudio, he writes this short note in the margin, mendose pro Domitiano.
But the truth is, though I am not willing to detract from this authorís credit, yet I suspect it was not so much an error of judgment as of will, or that which some call a pia fraus, that made him desert the tradition of the Church in this matter. For his telling us this story is upon the occasion of an objection of the Montanists against the Apocalypse, taken from this supposition, that there was o Church in Thyatira when John wrote the Revelation; which it seems he thought would serve anther turn, if he inverted it, by telling them that John said so only by way of prophecy. Whence he proceeds to prove the verity and Divinity of the book; and therefore, thought his argument would be the more cogent, the farther he run up the date of the Revelation and Johnís being in Patmos. But as this was a poor as well as unlawful shift, so I shall leave him and his authority both to those who have more time and leisure to consider them farther.
For to me there is proof enough from the Revelation itself, to assure us that it was written in Domitianís time. For it is plain not only from chap. 1: verse 9, which I touched upon before, but from the strain of all the seven epistles which John writes to the Churches of Asia, that at the time of his being in Patmos, or rather before, there had been a severe persecution upon them. Therefore he tells the Church of Ephesus that she had labored and endured, and had not fainted under the troubles that had come upon her, chap. 2: verse 2. And so the Christians of Smyrna are told of their tribulation, and exhorted not to fear imprisonment, or any other thing that they should suffer, verses 9,10. This being added, that they must expect tribulation for ten days: which, by the way, is no inconsiderable hint; seeing the persecution of Domitian, from the first beginning of it, lasted about ten years, which in the dialect of St. John are called days. I might comment on many other things, but this is plain, that the Church was under persecution every where at that time, if it were only from these an the like expressions, Be thou faithful unto the death; and to him that overcometh will I do so and so. And beside all these things, mention is made of an eminent martyr of the Church of Pergamus, chap. 2: verse 13, whose name was Antipas. For the Apostle John, or rather Christ, is so express in relating this, that we may deny any thing in the Bible if we deny this matter of fact. I am not concerned here with the allegories some fanciful men make upon this name, when they tell us that it signifies as much as Antipater or Antipapa: nor have I any thing to do with the stores that later authors tell us of him, as of his being bishop of Pergamus, and of his being burnt in a brazen bull, with other circumstantial matters relating to his person or death. Let Aretha, therefore, Metaphrastes, Cedrenus, Pererius, Surius, Baronius, Cornelius a Lapide, and a thousand more be supposed to mistake in their relating this story: yet no man shall ever make me disbelieve what St. John says of this matter. And I must have farther proof than ever I expect to receive, before I can believe that all these authors are mistaken as to the foundation of their relation; when they unanimously tell us that this martyr suffered in the reign of Domitian.
And now I suppose I have said enough to prove that John was not in Patmos before the reign of Domitian. And if so, the foundation of Grotius and his followers falls to the ground. So that these corollaries must naturally follow from what has been said, and remain as certain truths.
1. Corol. The visions of the Apocalypse relate neither to the Romish nor Jewish state, before the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus.
2. Corol. The Revelation relates to the Church and her adversaries, as to those things that were to fall out after the eversion of the Jewish state.
Now, before I proceed, I must desire the reader to observe the distribution which Christ himself makes of the subjects treated of in this book, chap. 1:19, when he commands John, saying, Grafon a eidej kai a eisi kai a mellei gineqai meta tauta; i.e., Write the things which thou hast seen, and the things which are, and the things which shall be hereafter; where it is plain three things are distinguished: 1. The things which John had seen, viz., the emblems, figures, or hieroglyphical representations that had been subjected to his eyes or imagination, from verse 12 to verse 19. Then, 2. The things which were existent and in being at the time when John was in Patmos, viz., the Churches planted by the apostles, particularly the seven Asiatic ones, to which John had a peculiar relation, and to which he was ordered to direct seven epistles. And then, 3. The things which were to fall out hereafter, viz., the prophetical part of the book, beginning with the fourth chapter, as is plain from the first verse thereof. Where, after John had written what related to both the former heads, he tells us that he heard a voice of a trumpet talking with him, and commanding him now to begin and write the things which he was to show to him, and represent to him emblematically, which were to be meta tauta, after the expiration of the other things mentioned before, which were then said to exist, viz., the then present circumstances of the Asiatic Churches.
So that this is a sufficient answer to those that object, that this book cannot be supposed to contain a prophecy of the state of the Church for any long time, seeing it is said that the things prophesied of in the Revelation must shortly come to pass, chap. 1:1. For seeing we have a double explication of this expression, viz., chap. 1:19, and chap. 4:1, I ask, whether we are to stick so to the letter of the first short proposition as to reject the explication given of it in the following places? It was very proper, indeed, when some things in this book did concern the then present state of the Church, and some other thing that did relate to the future condition of it, to say, as in chap. 1:1, that the prophecy related to the things that were shortly to come to pass: because not only were those things to be soon fulfilled that concerned the Churches of Asia at that time, but the other things were then also to enter upon their begun accomplishment. But that we might not imagine that the whole of this book was to be accomplished shortly, we are told, chap. 1:19, and chap. 4:1, that what related to future time was to be accomplished and fall out afterwards. And that, accordingly, we might see the full extent of this prophecy, we are led down from scene to scene, till we are brought down to the end and consummation of all things a the last. And now, seeing we have provided that this book was written after the destruction of Jerusalem, we must desire our antagonists to find out something else, to which they can accommodate all the figures of the Revelation, before we quit our interpretation, merely because they dislike it, though they can offer us nothing in the room of the same. So that until they be able to enlighten our minds, with another scheme than that of Grotius, must be bold to lay down this further corollary, which is the same with out first postulation in the preceding discourse.
3. Corol. That the Revelation contains the series of all the remarkable events and changes of the state of the Christian Church, to the end of the world.
And the same distribution of this book into the three parts I have mentioned, lays a sufficient foundation for another proposition also.
Proposition IIIóThe seven Epistles, directed to as many Churches in the Lesser Asia, do not immediately relate to the Christian Church in general, and therefore cannot be interpreted prophetically, in any proper sense, as if they did denote so many periods of time in relation to it.
I might demonstrate this, were it needful, but seeing it makes nothing for my design, which way soever men understand it, I shall say nothing to it now; especially because the learned Witsius, my professor and master formerly, has sufficiently demonstrated what I assert in this proposition, in his Diatribe de septem Epistolarum Apocalypticarum sensu Historico et Prophetico, published in his Miscellanea Sacra.
And neither have I time to prove other propositions that might appear more necessary: only seeing the key of interpreting the Apocalypse, which the angel gives John, chap. 17, is so very plain, I cannot but build another proposition upon it.
Proposition IV.óBabylon the great, or the apocalyptical beast, taken in a general sense, as it is represented with its seven heads and ten horns, is no other than an emblem of the Roman empire.
For besides that, Dr. Cressener and others have proved this: the text itself is demonstration enough to all those that will be at pains attentively and impartially to consider it. For seeing the angel does expressly say, that by this was meant the seven-hilled city, verse 9, and the city that then did reign over the kings of the earth, verse 18, I cannot imagine what he could have said more plainly upon this head.
But seeing he represents the empire under the peculiar consideration of its being governed by a woman, who is called the great whore, or adulteress; therefore, this lays a foundation for another proposition.
Proposition V.óThe seven-headed beast, more especially considered, as it is represented as rid upon by the whore, doth represent Rome to us as it is represented under the ecclesiastical government of the papacy, or apostate Church of Rome.
This the angel does sufficiently insinuate, chap. 17:8, when he says, the beast which thou sawest, was, and yet is not at this time: i.e., the beast which thou sawest is indeed the same Roman empire which was before, and was represented to thee, chap. 13:1; but it is not yet, in another sense, viz., as now thou beholdest it under the rule of a whore, or the apostate Church of Rome. For this last ecclesiastical form of government is not yet come, but it is to come (when it ariseth) out of the bottomless pit, in order to go thither again into endless peridition.
And if this be once granted, then that will naturally follow which I am to represent as another proposition.
Proposition VI.óThe seven kings, represented by the seven heads of the beast, are no other than the seven forms of supreme government, that did successively obtain among the Romans.
This the angel doth likewise sufficiently insinuate, verse 10, which can never be understood of particular emperors, at least not of those Grotius fixed upon, whose opinion this way we have already refuted. And, therefore, seeing five of the forms of the Roman government were fallen in Johnís time, viz., kings, consuls, dictators, decemvirs, and military tribunes, (as Tacitus reckons them, Annal. Lib. 1, sect. 1,) and seeing the imperial authority was that which was in being then, we have no reason to quit so plain and exact interpretation, until more be said against it than ever has yet been produced to the world.
And, were it not that I am confined so much now, both as to time, and lest this postscript should swell to an enormous bulk, I should not fear to attempt the demonstration of these last propositions, and to proceed to others that would lay a further and more strong foundation still of that method of interpreting the Revelation which the generality of Protestants are agreed in. But I hope I have said enough for this place to secure the principles I go upon, by which the things which I proposed at first as postulata are, I think sufficiently proved. And, seeing my principal design in writing this postscript was to refute the hypothesis that Grotius and Hammond go upon, I leave it to the candid and impartial thoughts of the reader, whether I have not said enough to prove it to be altogether precarious.
And now, seeing every one must see how much I have been straitened, both as to time and paper, in this postscript, I hope the reader will put the more favorable construction on what defects he may observe in my performance, either as to matter, method, or the calculations of time which I have run upon; in which, if there be any thing obscure or confused, the study of brevity and dispatch has occasioned it. But since I have advanced nothing in relation to future time, but by way of conjecture, nor indeed, asserted any thing (in relation to that part of the prophecy which is fulfilled) dogmatically and positively, but only proposed my thoughts, after the manner of a rational probability; I suppose no man will think it worth his while to make a noise about little mistakes, that perhaps I may have been guilty of through haste or inadvertency. But if any person shall take occasion from what I have said to study the Apocalypse to better advantage than I have attained to do, and shall give the world a better built and more clearly connected scheme of the visions of this book; I assure him that none shall more rejoice in such a performance than I; and I shall be one of the first to return him thanks for refuting me. For truth is all I seek after, and that it may ever, and in all respects prevail, is, and shall be my constant prayer and study.
Robert Fleming was born at Bathans in 1630, the son of a minister of the gospel, James Fleming. He studied under Samuel Rutherford, one of the appointees to the committee that produced the Westminster Confession of Faith.
By the time he was 23, he was a pastor at Cambuslang, in Clydesdale until after the restoration of King Charles II. He had seven children by Christina Hamilton. He lived at Edinburgh until September of 1673 when "all the ministers in and about Edinburgh were called to appear before the Council to hear their sentence, and repair to the places of their confinement." He and other Protestant teachers were being persecuted for their beliefs contrary to the Catholic Church. He chose not to appear. As a result, he was persued, eventually apprehended, and imprisoned in the Tolbooth of Edinburgh. After his release he went to Holland.
He had a custom established from
sometime around his sixteenth or seventeenth year of age "to set apart
the first day of every year for renewing his covenant with God; and if
interrupted that day, to take the next day following." Following is a
sample taken from his journal.
He left behind a writing called,
A Short Index of some of the Great Appearances of the Lord in the
Dispensations of His Providence to His Poor Servant." Apparently,
the Lord moved miraculously upon Robert Fleming. Following are excerpts
taken from that work and recording in Scots Worthies on pages 578 - 560.
Apparently, this Calvinist was not a cessationist.
What do YOU think ?
Date: 08 Nov 2006
Email PreteristArchive.com's Sole Developer and Curator, Todd Dennis
(todd @ preteristarchive.com)
Opened in 1996