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Ancient Revelations:
Epigraphy
Franks Casket (T-Panel)
First Half of 7th Century
A whalebone chest, carved with narrative scenes in flat
two-dimensional low-relief and inscribed with runes
“Here fight Titus and the Jews” ; “Here
the inhabitants flee from Jerusalem”
Franks Casket Online |
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Back Side (T-Panel) Side with Roman General Titus’ Sack of Jerusalem
Dr. Alfred Becker
Having procured his client divine assistance
at travel and war, the rune master now wants to provide victory,
by which he gains dom, dignity, and along with it
weorþ, a hero's highest goal in life, i.e.power and
glory.
Again our erilaz rummages through the
library of his local monastery, looking for a suitable topic. He
may have found it in some illuminated codex, a Historia Mundi,
which Benedict Biscop or Wilfrid had brought back from Rome:
Titus, the Roman general and later emperor conquering and
destroying Jerusalem in 70 AD. That was exactly
what he had been looking for! The appropriate event with the
appropriate person and, most important, the appropriate name
bearing the magic rune.
The runic inscription
begins on the left edge (here part of a coherent text) continues
right of the arch in Latin (language and letters), and changes back
to runes on the right edge with a word in corrupt Latin (afitatores
instead of < lat. habitatores, inhabitants). There is no line on the
bottom edge, only two words, seeming to comment on the scenes.
Arranged according to the sections on the edges the text reads:
her fegtaþ
titus end giuþeasu HC FUGANT HEUALM
afitatores
dom gisl
The words giuþeasu (instead of OE. iuþeas) and afitatores (instead
of lat. habitatores) are odd, but were developed in order to achieve
the proper runes in numbers and value. Why else should the rune
master spell the same word once end (here), then again and (R- and
H-Panel)? The same reason goes for fegtaþ instead of fehþ.
Having a closer look at the Latin part we notice some letters that
are undoubtedly runes ( and ) or could be read as letters or runes
(). The symbol is not part of the text though it will have a
function.
The translation depends on the introductory formula:
"here fight" or: "army fights"
Titus and the Jews - here flee Jerusalem'(s)//
inhabitants //
verdict (or: power, dignity) - hostage(s)
Let us have look at the left edge: Again it is composed of 9 runes,
bringing up the total value of all three "9-rune charms" up to 330.
We may suspect another magic formula: "In case of war". What is
normally translated as "here fight" could also be interpreted as
"army fights" (comp. Engl. 'army', Germ. 'Heer', O.E. 'here'). As
the F- and R-panels bear independent 9-rune formulas on this edge we
may well prefer this interpretation.
On the panels F and R, we remember, the incantation was followed by
the thematic magic rune, there and , here . This spear shaped rune
stands for the name (OE) Tir, Tiw (ON Tyr). It is the name of the
highest god, the Germanic equivalent of Greek Zeus. Before Woden
graced the scene he was the leading god of rule, warfare and
justice, protector of the Germanic Thing. All these qualities can be
found in this depiction: Warfare and victory (k>her fegtaþ), and a
ruler (Titus) exercising justice (k>dom, gisl). Old English his very
name in means 'fame, glory, honour' and 'ornament', the same as the
ambiguous word dom can express. What other rune but could be more
appropriate at this spot? Even the person, Titus himself, was a good
choice as we can tell by the title he was given: Armor et deliciae
generis humani, "Love and delight of the human race."
The words dom and gisl, certainly comment on the scenes they go
with, but at the same time they may hide a name, DOMGISL. The name
is reported, though not in context with the casket. Did our rune
master fill in his name in order to increase his spell? If so, he
would only have followed a common practice.
Why does the text change to Latin in word and script? And why only
for a few words, but not for the complete sentence? And why did the
rune-master mix Roman letters with runes and majuscules?
Here as elsewhere he was aiming at wordings, which had to produce
certain numbers and values. Thus we find the "S" in its runic
variation (cf. Chessel Down and St. Cuthbert's Coffin), the "R",
which, anyway, is similar in shape to its runic counterpart , and
four times the rune-like . Apart from that there is the letter a,
which appears twice in the shape of a manuscript majuscule instead
of the kind we know from the ABC. Moreover this letter helps to form
a grammatically wrong verb form, (fugiant instead of fugiunt).
This way the carver achieves a row of 20 (i.e. 19 +1) runes with the
anciently shaped , symbol of the ‘Sun’, in a significant position
(16) and framed it by two majuscule type letters a in order to
produce a luni-solar calendar like the Metonic Cycle. This includes
the common Germanic cycle of 8 years, which is framed by the
majuscule type letters a. These two cycles served to adjust the
solar year and the lunar cycle, and in this particular case the
formula was designed to perpetuate the magic spell, which was meant
to influence the life of the casket’s royal owner
The depiction is clearly separated
into an upper and a lower level, and these bands are vertically
divided by an arch, so that the whole picture falls into four
segments. It shows Titus conquering Jerusalem after long siege in
September 70 AD.
In the upper left segment we see five armed warriors attacking the
Jews, Romans under Titus. He might be the one wearing a helmet or
the one distinguished by his armour, but this is less likely as the
general would be armed with a sword rather than a spear. It would be
Titus himself then, who kills a fleeing enemy, may be one of the
leaders of the Jewish revolt. He is being hit by the Roman behind
him, going down on his knees, his sword slipping from his hand. Two
of his people just manage to escape across the arch, which on the
original might have stood for the Jewish temple.
The upper right segment shows thirteen more refugees, one with a
flask, two others with walking canes, properly put under hic fugiunt
…"here flee ..." They are deserting the town to escape from Roman
retribution.
The lower left segment (just below the Roman soldiers) shows a court
hearing. Victory is one aspect of glory, punishment the other. It is
probably the commander in chief himself sitting on the "Throne of
Justice" (as it is no bench), a cup in his hand. A servant below the
throne is holding something like a scroll and another cup, which he
seems to pass on to a person on the right of the royal chair. This
man, too, seems to be holding a scroll. He is accompanied by a
soldier (one of Titus' body guard?). The repetition of scroll and
cup seem to hint at the completion of a contract. It looks as if a
brave warrior is receiving his reward, may be, a thane is granted a
fief. The lord will drink to him and therewith confirm the contract.
On the left, we see a warrior in his armour. He is being held by his
hair, probably condemned because of cowardliness. Perhaps they will
cut his hair off and sell him into servitude. With the word doom
both episodes are commented on. A good fortune for the one, a tough
fate for the other.
Beneath the picture of the Jewish refuges, lower right segment, we
have a group of eight people, commented on by gisl, 'hostages'. The
first three persons could be Roman soldiers on sentry duty, the one
with the yoke might have been Simon bar Giora or John of Gischala on
the original. Simon and John, the ringleaders of Zealots, were left
alive and taken to Rome to be presented to the citizens in a
triumphal procession.
That huge arch (rather not the Ark of the Covenants) may have been
adopted from the manuscript and will have meant the temple. However,
our carver did certainly not cut them, believing that he was
depicting Seraphim and Cherubim, as frequently suggested. If these
beasts were angels, one would hesitate to go to Heaven, if admitted.
There may have been Jewish symbols on the original picture, but the
rune master has cast them out, just like he removed the angel from
the picture of the Magi. He fills in animals in Anglo-Saxon or Irish
style, their tails etc. forming knots and their beaks twisted. The
temple is now crowded by an assembly of the beasts of the
battlefield.
There are three pairs of animals depicted. On the bottom we have
'sitting' horses, anatomically rather odd. Right under the arch we
have two bird heads, connected by knot ornaments. The animals
between bottom and top are hard to interpret, but if we find a
meaning for the other two couples we might deduce from that. To
begin with, the birds, they may refer to Woden's ravens, Hugin and
Munin, while the horses could be connected with Tiw (patron of this
panel). Horses are his attributes, just like spear (!) and sword (Pollington,
p. 51). Though these creatures between bottom and top do not look
like anything biology teaches, we detect ears with them, mammals
then, and no birds. If the others are the companions of the 'gods of
war', these may be the heads of the missing cohort, the wolves Geri
und Freki (the ones we have seen on the R-Panel). For the sake of
interlaced presentation the long muzzles, which the beasts by the
Roman twins already show, become even longer here. We would have all
the animals we meet elsewhere on the panels: the wolves from the
R-Panel and Æ-Panel, the birds from F-Panel and the H-Panels, where
there is that horse as well. A perfect pagan zoo of war, the beasts
of battle arranged, as we often find it with those animals at the
Tree of Life. If the temple has thus been turned into an Anglo-Saxon
sanctuary, the ornament on its top was meant to identify it. Does it
allude to the Valkyrie's runic symbol? Is that one mixed with a
crucifix here, syncretism at its peak, so to speak?
All the traditional pictures so far (Magi, Roman twins, Titus) have
transformed into a pagan setting, topics altered to make them work.
Wikipedia Entry
The Franks Casket (or the Auzon Runic
Casket) is a little[1] whalebone chest, carved with narrative scenes
in flat two-dimensional low-relief and inscribed with runes,
dateable from its pagan elements to the mid-seventh century (that
is, during the height of the Heptarchy and the period of
Christianization of England). The casket is densely decorated with
images and Futhorc runic[2] inscriptions whose interpretation have
occupied linguists. It is now kept in the British Museum. Generally
reckoned to be of Northumbrian origin,[3] it is of unique importance
for the insight it gives into secular culture in early Anglo-Saxon
England.
The majority of the history of the casket was unknown until
relatively recently. It was in the possession of a family in Auzon
in Haute Loire (upper Loire region) France. It served as a sewing
box until the silver hinges were traded for a silver ring. Without
the support of these the casket fell apart. The parts were shown to
a Professor Mathieu from nearby Clermont-Ferrand, who sold them to
an antique shop in Paris, where they were bought in 1857 by Sir
Augustus Wollaston Franks, who subsequently donated the panels in
1867 to the British Museum, where he was Keeper of British and
Medieval. the missing right end panel was later found in a drawer by
the family in Auzon and sold to the Bargello Museum, Florence, where
it was identified as part of the casket in 1890. Investigation by
W.H.J. Weale revealed that the casket had belonged to the church of
Saint-Julien, Brioude; it is possible that it was looted during the
French Revolution.[4]
The imagery is multiform in its inspirations: a single Christian
image, the Adoration of the Magi, keeps company with images of Roman
history (Emperor Titus) and myth (Romulus and Remus), with northern
myth (Weyland the Smith, an episode from the Sigurd legend and one
that is apparently an otherwise unrecorded episode of Weyland's
brother [[Egill).[5]
Description
Front panel
left half of front panelThe front panel shows the vengeful murder
and rape by Weyland on the left panel, and the adoration of the Magi
on the right. Around the panel runs the inscription,
hronæs ban
fisc . flodu . ahof on ferg (compound continued on next line)
enberig
warþ ga:sric grorn þær he on greut giswom
Which may be interpreted as:
"whalebone
fish flood hove on mountain
The ghost-king was rueful when he swam onto the grit"
The two alliterating lines constitute the oldest piece of
Anglo-Saxon poetry:
fisc flodu / ahof on fergenberig
warþ gasric grorn / þær he on greut giswom
Left panel
oÞlæ unneg //
Romwalus and Reumwalus // twoegen
gibroðær
a // fœdde hiæ wylif // in Romæcæstri:.
"far from home / Romulus and Remus, twain brothers / the she-wolf
fed them in Rome-chester"
Rear panel
her fegtaþ
+titus end giuþeasu HIC FUGIANT HIERUSALIM
afitatores
dom gisl
"Here fight / Titus and the Jews — here they flee Jerusalem /
inhabitants / doom / hostage"
[edit] Right panel
This panel contains three more alliterating lines:
herh os sitæþ on hærmberge
agl(ac) drigiþ swa hir i erta e gisgraf
særden sorgæ and sefa tornæ
Translation is difficult; usually her hos sitæþ is read, "here sits
the horse" (there is a horse in the panel, but it isn't sitting).
Becker reads herh os, "the god of the wood". Erta appears to be a
proper name, perhaps Erce, the Anglo-Saxon Earth goddess. særden has
various interpretations. Becker attempts the translation:
"the wood-god sits on harm's mountain"
"causing ill fortune, as Erta demanded"
"they cause sorrow and heartache".
inside the panel:
risci / bita / wudu
"twig / biter / wood"
Lid
Egil defending himself and a lady who is probably his wife Olrun.The
lid shows a scene of an archer, labelled Ægili, single-handedly
defending a fortress against a troop of attackers. A lady who is
probably his wife or lover is also shown within the fortress. In
Norse mythology, Egil is named as a brother of Weyland, who is shown
on the front panel of the casket. The Þiðrekssaga depicts Egil as a
master archer and the Völundarkviða tells that he was the husband of
the swan maiden Olrun. The Pforzen buckle inscription, dating to
about the same period as the casket, also makes reference to the
couple Egil and Olrun (Áigil andi Áilrun).
Interpretation
Becker (1973) attempted to interpret the casket as a whole, finding
a "programme" documenting a warrior-king's life, with each of the
scenes emblematic of a certain period in life, the front panel for
"birth", the picture and inscription on the left panel meant to
protect the hero on his way to war, the back panel documenting the
peak of a warrior-king's life is glory won by victory over his
enemies, the right panel alluding to a heroic death in battle.
Becker also attempts a numerological analysis of the inscriptions,
counting a total of 288 or 12 x 24 signs (runes, Latin letters and
punctuation).
Edited from Diana Ellis
The Franks casket is a carved Anglo-Saxon whale-bone
artifact measuring 12.9 x 22.9 x 19.1 cm. which was discovered in Auzon,
Haute Loire, France in the nineteenth century. Donated to the British
Museum by Sir Augustus Wollaston Franks in 1867, the artifact has
aroused considerable interest and debate. In 1890, the missing right
hand panel was found in Italy and is now in the Museo Nazionale del
Bargello, Florence.
As a bone carving in purely Germanic style, the
casket is a singular example of its kind among early Insular artifacts
and thus comparisons are extremely difficult to find. The fragmentary
nature and low survival rate of Anglo-Saxon works of art make the dating
of extant artifacts extremely difficult. Scholarly consensus places the
Franks casket in 7th/8th century Northumbria based on linguistic
evidence.
In the eighth and ninth centuries, Anglo-Saxon
genealogies confirm that the Gemanic kings continued to value their
northern ancestries, many tracing their lineage back to eponymous
Scandinavian heroes and Norse gods. Furthermore, by the end of the
eighth century, the East Anglian Kings claimed Roman forebears. Caesar
follows Woden in the East Anglian genealogy and, as James Campbell
points out, “they seem to have taken this claim seriously, for Romulus
and Remus appear on East Anglian coins, and [as far as we know] on them
alone.
On five surfaces of the casket legible runic and
non-runic texts provide a frame-work around the pictorial panels. The
figural panels, carved in barbaric style in low relief, seem
unequivocally Anglo-Saxon in contrast to the diversity of subject
matter: a blending between Roman history, Roman legend, Germanic sagas
and Christian myth.
Thematically, the left-hand panel is both parallel
and opposite to the panel on the right. Where Weland offers revenge and
death, Christ offers atonement and life. Weland offers gifts to the
secular king, Nithhad; the wise men offer gifts to the heavenly king
Christ. The revenge of Weland ends with the death of an earthly king’s
sons; the atonement through Christ begins with the birth of the Heavenly
King’s son. Moreover, Christ’s embodiment at birth would be seen as his
spirit entering an earthly banfåt. The Anglo-Saxon taste for enigmatic
apposition is verified by the alternative visual allusions to various
themes: revenge and atonement, secular force and heavenly power, life
and death, beginnings and endings.
Many of the themes from the front panel carry over to
the depiction of Romulus and Remus on the left-hand panel. As grandsons
of a deposed king, the twins are flung into the Tiber and, like the
whale, they are beached on the shore at Rome. The exile and intended
death becomes a new beginning which contrasts with a later episode: the
death of Remus at his brother’s hand. Nonetheless, Romulus founds Rome
and becomes its first ruler, a fact that links with the Roman Emperor
Titus’ sack of Jersusalem. In both their panels, the artist’s main
concern seems to be with balance and design.
On the back of the casket, the two horizontal
registers are divided by an arch which imitates the device that
surrounds the schematic depiction of the madonna and child on the front
panel. The runic and latin inscriptions elucidate the various episodes
depicted: the top runes read, “Here fight Titus and the Jews”; the latin
on the right reads, “Here the inhabitants flee from Jerusalem”; at the
bottom of the left panel is one word, dom which means judgement; and on
the right the word gisl or hostage.
The panel seems to speak of the hazards of life among
warrior nations: power and victory for one meant captivity or death for
another. The tenuous nature of life is reiterated in various ways on the
panel.
The purpose of the casket can only be a matter for
conjecture. Three panels derive from Germanic legends, two from Roman
history and myth, and one from Christian iconography. Because of the
“preponderance of Pagan myths, northern or antique, and the folkloric
nature of the Magi story itself, …. [Vandersall argues that] the casket
is secular both in origin and purpose.” Goldschmidt suggests a generic
relationship with the tenth-century Byzantine ivory caskets which were
used for storage of gold and his point that “several scenes on the
casket deal with the subject of treasures” is an interesting one. Apart
from the obvious treasure-giving by the Magi and the fashioning of
Treasure by Weland, the sack of Jerusalem in 70 A.D. resulted in Titus’
triumphant return to Rome with ecclesiastical treasures.
Pertinent to this, and to the casket as a whole, is
Anglo-Saxon society’s concept of power and kingship. As Patrick Wormald
argues, “royal power was based on the ability to attract heavily armed
warriers, and thus on the capacity to reward them with treasures and
lands. Only when resources ran low—as, classically, with Einhard’s
Merovingians—were kings reduced to powerlessness.” The demand of
gift-giving was a constant one for an Anglo-Saxon ruler, and the need to
reward loyality, and occasionally buy it, meant that wealth had to be
continually acquired by means of war.
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